Pope Leo XIII (+1903)
Pope Leo XIII (reigned 1878-1903) is certainly one of the most eloquent pontiffs of the modern age, and can be counted on for a clear and concise exposition of the Faith.
Considering the upcoming election, now is a splendid time to note a couple selections of Leo's writtings on subjects of a political and economic nature. The selections that follow are from encyclical letters on the subjects of true Liberty, on the Origin of Civil Power, on the Christian Constitution of States, and on Capital and Labor.
Thus, Pope Leo XIII:
----
Libertas
Praestantissimum (On Liberty), 1888
9. What has been
said of the liberty of individuals is no less applicable to them when
considered as bound together in civil society. For, what reason and the natural
law do for individuals. that human law promulgated for their good, does for the
citizens of States. Of the laws enacted by men, some are concerned with what is
good or bad by its very nature; and they command men to follow after what is
right and to shun what is wrong, adding at the same time a suitable sanction.
But such laws by no means derive their origin from civil society, because, just
as civil society did not create human nature, so neither can it be said to be
the author of the good which befits human nature, or of the evil which is contrary
to it. Laws come before men live together in society, and have their origin in
the natural, and consequently in the eternal, law. The precepts, therefore, of
the natural law, contained bodily in the laws of men, have not merely the force
of human law, but they possess that higher and more august sanction which
belongs to the law of nature and the eternal law. And within the sphere of this
kind of laws the duty of the civil legislator is, mainly, to keep the community
in obedience by the adoption of a common discipline and by putting restraint
upon refractory and viciously inclined men, so that, deterred from evil, they
may turn to what is good, or at any rate may avoid causing trouble and
disturbance to the State. Now, there are other enactments of the civil
authority, which do not follow directly, but somewhat remotely, from the
natural law, and decide many points which the law of nature treats only in a
general and indefinite way. For instance, though nature commands all to
contribute to the public peace and prosperity, whatever belongs to the manner,
and circumstances, and conditions under which such service is to be rendered
must be determined by the wisdom of men and not by nature herself. It is in the
constitution of these particular rules of life, suggested by reason and
prudence, and put forth by competent authority, that human law, properly so
called, consists, binding all citizens to work together for the attainment of
the common end proposed to the community, and forbidding them to depart from this
end, and, in so far as human law is in conformity with the dictates of nature,
leading to what is good, and deterring from evil.
10. From this it
is manifest that the eternal law of God is the sole standard and rule of human
liberty, not only in each individual man, but also in the community and civil
society which men constitute when united. Therefore, the true liberty of human
society does not consist in every man doing what he pleases, for this would
simply end in turmoil and confusion, and bring on the overthrow of the State;
but rather in this, that through the injunctions of the civil law all may more
easily conform to the prescriptions of the eternal law. Likewise, the liberty
of those who are in authority does not consist in the power to lay unreasonable
and capricious commands upon their subjects, which would equally be criminal
and would lead to the ruin of the commonwealth; but the binding force of human
laws is in this, that they are to be regarded as applications of the eternal
law, and incapable of sanctioning anything which is not contained in the
eternal law, as in the principle of all law. Thus, St. Augustine most wisely
says: "I think that you can see, at the same time, that there is nothing
just and lawful in that temporal law, unless what men have gathered from this
eternal law." If, then, by anyone in authority, something be sanctioned
out of conformity with the principles of right reason, and consequently hurtful
to the commonwealth, such an enactment can have no binding force of law, as
being no rule of justice, but certain to lead men away from that good which is
the very end of civil society.
30. Another
liberty is widely advocated, namely, liberty of conscience. If by this is meant
that everyone may, as he chooses, worship God or not, it is sufficiently
refuted by the arguments already adduced. But it may also be taken to mean that
every man in the State may follow the will of God and, from a consciousness of
duty and free from every obstacle, obey His commands. This, indeed, is true liberty,
a liberty worthy of the sons of God, which nobly maintains the dignity of man
and is stronger than all violence or wrong -- a liberty which the Church has
always desired and held most dear. This is the kind of liberty the Apostles
claimed for themselves with intrepid constancy, which the apologists of
Christianity confirmed by their writings, and which the martyrs in vast numbers
consecrated by their blood. And deservedly so; for this Christian liberty bears
witness to the absolute and most just dominion of God over man, and to the
chief and supreme duty of man toward God. It has nothing in common with a
seditious and rebellious mind; and in no tittle derogates from obedience to
public authority; for the right to command and to require obedience exists only
so far as it is in accordance with the authority of God, and is within the
measure that He has laid down. But when anything is commanded which is plainly
at variance with the will of God, there is a wide departure from this divinely
constituted order, and at the same time a direct conflict with divine
authority; therefore, it is right not to obey.
31. By the patrons
of liberalism, however, who make the State absolute and omnipotent, and
proclaim that man should live altogether independently of God, the liberty of
which We speak, which goes hand in hand with virtue and religion, is not
admitted; and whatever is done for its preservation is accounted an injury and
an offense against the State. Indeed, if what they say were really true, there
would be no tyranny, no matter how monstrous, which we should not be bound to
endure and submit to.
Full text at: http://www.papalencyclicals.net/Leo13/l13liber.htm
Diuturnum (On the Origin of Civil Power), 1881
19. This great
modesty, this fixed determination to obey, was so well known that it could not
be obscured by the calumny and malice of enemies. On this account, those who
were going to plead in public before the emperors for any persons bearing the
Christian name proved by this argument especially that it was unjust to enact
laws against the Christians because they were in the sight of all men exemplary
in their bearing according to the laws. Athenagoras thus confidently addresses
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, his son: "You
allow us, who commit no evil, yea, who demean ourselves the most piously and
justly of all toward God and likewise toward your government, to be driven
about, plundered and exiled." In like manner, Tertullian openly praises
the Christians because they were the best and surest friends of all to the
Empire: "The Christian is the enemy of no one, much less of the emperor,
whom he knows to be appointed by God, and whom he must, therefore, of necessity
love, reverence and honor, and wish to be preserved together with the whole
Roman Empire." Nor did he hesitate to affirm that, within the limits of
the Empire, the number of enemies was wont to diminish just in proportion as
the number of Christians increased. There is also a remarkable testimony to the
same point in the Epistle to Diognetus, which confirms the statement that the
Christians at that period were not only in the habit of obeying the laws, but
in every office they of their own accord did more, and more perfectly, than
they were required to do by the laws. "Christians observe these things
which have obtained the sanction of the law, and in the character of their
lives they even go beyond the law."
20. The case,
indeed, was different when they were ordered by the edicts of emperors and the
threats of praetors to abandon the Christian faith or in any way fail in their
duty. At these times, undoubtedly, they preferred to displease men rather than
God. Yet, even under these circumstances, they were so far from doing anything
seditious or despising the imperial majesty that they took it on themselves
only to profess themselves Christians, and declare that they would not in any
way alter their faith. But they had no thought of resistance, calmly and
joyfully they went to the torture of the rack, in so much that the magnitude of
the torments gave place to their magnitude of mind. During the same period the
force of Christian principles was observed in like manner in the army. For it
was a mark of a Christian soldier to combine the greatest fortitude with the
greatest attention to military discipline, and to add to nobility of mind
immovable fidelity towards his prince. But, if anything dishonorable was
required of him, as, for instance, to break the laws of God, or to turn his
sword against innocent disciples of Christ, then, indeed, he refused to execute
the orders, yet in such wise that he would rather retire from the army and die
for his religion than oppose the public authority by means of sedition and
tumult.
Full text: http://www.papalencyclicals.net/Leo13/l13civ.htm
IMMORTALE DEI
ON THE
CHRISTIAN CONSTITUTION OF STATES
ENCYCLICAL
OF POPE LEO XIII NOVEMBER 1, 1885
3. …Man's natural instinct moves him to live
in civil society, for he cannot, if dwelling apart, provide himself with the
necessary requirements of life, nor procure the means of developing his mental
and moral faculties. Hence, it is divinely ordained that he should lead his
life -- be it family, or civil -- with his fellow men, amongst whom alone his
several wants can be adequately supplied. But, as no society can hold together
unless some one be over all, directing all to strive earnestly for the common
good, every body politic must have a ruling authority, and this authority, no
less than society itself, has its source in nature, and has, consequently, God
for its Author. Hence, it follows that all public power must proceed from God.
For God alone is the true and supreme Lord of the world…
4. The right to rule is not necessarily,
however, bound up with any special mode of government. It may take this or that
form, provided only that it be of a nature of the government, rulers must ever
bear in mind that God is the paramount ruler of the world, and must set Him
before themselves as their exemplar and law in the administration of the State…
5. They, therefore, who rule should rule with
evenhanded justice, not as masters, but rather as fathers, for the rule of God
over man is most just, and is tempered always with a father's kindness.
Government should, moreover, be administered for the well-being of the
citizens, because they who govern others possess authority solely for the
welfare of the State. Furthermore, the civil power must not be subservient to
the advantage of any one individual or of some few persons, inasmuch as it was
established for the common good of all. But, if those who are in authority rule
unjustly, if they govern overbearingly or arrogantly, and if their measures
prove hurtful to the people, they must remember that the Almighty will one day
bring them to account, the more strictly in proportion to the sacredness of
their office and preeminence of their dignity. "The mighty shall be
mightily tormented." Then, truly, will the majesty of the law meet with
the dutiful and willing homage of the people, when they are convinced that
their rulers hold authority from God, and feel that it is a matter of justice
and duty to obey them, and to show them reverence and fealty, united to a love
not unlike that which children show their parents. "Let every soul be
subject to higher powers." To despise legitimate authority, in whomsoever
vested, is unlawful, as a rebellion against the divine will, and whoever
resists that, rushes willfully to destruction. "He that resisteth the
power resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist, purchase to themselves
damnation." To cast
aside obedience, and by popular violence to incite to revolt, is therefore
treason, not against man only, but against God.
6. As a consequence, the State, constituted
as it is, is clearly bound to act up to the manifold and weighty duties linking
it to God, by the public profession of religion. Nature and reason, which
command every individual devoutly to worship God in holiness, because we belong
to Him and must return to Him, since from Him we came, bind also the civil
community by a like law. For, men living together in society are under the
power of God no less than individuals are, and society, no less than
individuals, owes gratitude to God who gave it being and maintains it and whose
ever bounteous goodness enriches it with countless blessings. Since, then, no
one is allowed to be remiss in the service due to God, and since the chief duty
of all men is to cling to religion in both its teaching and practice-not such
religion as they may have a preference for, but the religion which God enjoins,
and which certain and most clear marks show to be the only one true religion --
it is a public crime to act as though there were no God. So, too, is it a sin
for the State not to have care for religion as a something beyond its scope, or
as of no practical benefit; or out of many forms of religion to adopt that one
which chimes in with the fancy; for we are bound absolutely to worship God in
that way which He has shown to be His will. All who rule, therefore, would hold
in honor the holy name of God, and one of their chief duties must be to favor
religion, to protect it, to shield it under the credit and sanction of the
laws, and neither to organize nor enact any measure that may compromise its
safety. This is the bounden duty of rulers to the people over whom they rule.
For one and all are we destined by our birth and adoption to enjoy, when this
frail and fleeting life is ended, a supreme and final good in heaven, and to
the attainment of this every endeavor should be directed. Since, then, upon
this depends the full and perfect happiness of mankind, the securing of this
end should be of all imaginable interests the most urgent. Hence, civil
society, established for the common welfare, should not only safeguard the
wellbeing of the community, but have also at heart the interests of its
individual members, in such mode as not in any way to hinder, but in every
manner to render as easy as may be, the possession of that highest and
unchangeable good for which all should seek. Wherefore, for this purpose, care
must especially be taken to preserve unharmed and unimpeded the religion
whereof the practice is the link connecting man with God.
25. The authority of God is passed over in
silence, just as if there were no God; or as if He cared nothing for human
society; or as if men, whether in their individual capacity or bound together
in social relations, owed nothing to God; or as if there could be a government
of which the whole origin and power and authority did not reside in God
Himself. Thus, as is evident, a State becomes nothing but a multitude which is
its own master and ruler. And since the people is declared to contain within
itself the spring-head of all rights and of all power, it follows that the
State does not consider itself bound by any kind of duty toward God. Moreover.
it believes that it is not obliged to make public profession of any religion…
31. The sovereignty of the people, however,
and this without any reference to God, is held to reside in the multitude;
which is doubtless a doctrine exceedingly well calculated to flatter and to
inflame many passions, but which lacks all reasonable proof, and all power of
insuring public safety and preserving order. Indeed, from the prevalence of
this teaching, things have come to such a pass that may hold as an axiom of
civil jurisprudence that seditions may be rightfully fostered. For the opinion
prevails that princes are nothing more than delegates chosen to carry out the
will of the people; whence it necessarily follows that all things are as
changeable as the will of the people, so that risk of public disturbance is
ever hanging over our heads.
To hold, therefore, that there is no
difference in matters of religion between forms that are unlike each other, and
even contrary to each other, most clearly leads in the end to the rejection of
all religion in both theory and practice. And this is the same thing as
atheism, however it may differ from it in name. Men who really believe in the
existence of God must, in order to be consistent with themselves and to avoid
absurd conclusions, understand that differing modes of divine worship involving
dissimilarity and conflict even on most important points cannot all be equally
probable, equally good, and equally acceptable to God.
32. So, too, the liberty of thinking, and of
publishing, whatsoever each one likes, without any hindrance, is not in itself
an advantage over which society can wisely rejoice. On the contrary, it is the
fountain-head and origin of many evils. Liberty is a power perfecting man, and
hence should have truth and goodness for its object…
36. This, then, is the teaching of the
Catholic Church concerning the constitution and government of the State. By the
words and decrees just cited, if judged dispassionately, no one of the several
forms of government is in itself condemned, inasmuch as none of them contains
anything contrary to Catholic doctrine, and all of them are capable, if wisely
and justly managed, to insure the welfare of the State. Neither is it
blameworthy in itself, in any manner, for the people to have a share greater or
less, in the government: for at certain times, and under certain laws, such
participation may not only be of benefit to the citizens, but may even be of
obligation. Nor is there any reason why any one should accuse the Church of
being wanting in gentleness of action or largeness of view, or of being opposed
to real and lawful liberty. The Church, indeed, deems it unlawful to place the
various forms of divine worship on the same footing as the true religion, but
does not, on that account, condemn those rulers who, for the sake of securing
some great good or of hindering some great evil, allow patiently custom or
usage to be a kind of sanction for each kind of religion having its place in
the State. And, in fact, the Church is wont to take earnest heed that no one
shall be forced to embrace the Catholic faith against his will, for, as St.
Augustine wisely reminds us, "Man cannot believe otherwise than of his own
will."
RERUM NOVARUM
ON
CAPITAL AND LABOR
ENCYCLICAL
OF POPE LEO XIII MAY 15, 1891
4. To remedy these wrongs the socialists, working on
the poor man's envy of the rich, are striving to do away with private property,
and contend that individual possessions should become the common property of
all, to be administered by the State or by municipal bodies. They hold that by
thus transferring property from private individuals to the community, the
present mischievous state of things will be set to rights, inasmuch as each
citizen will then get his fair share of whatever there is to enjoy. But their
contentions are so clearly powerless to end the controversy that were they
carried into effect the working man himself would be among the first to suffer.
They are, moreover, emphatically unjust, for they would rob the lawful
possessor, distort the functions of the State, and create utter confusion in
the community.
41. From this follows the obligation of the
cessation from work and labor on Sundays and certain holy days. The rest from
labor is not to be understood as mere giving way to idleness; much less must it
be an occasion for spending money and for vicious indulgence, as many would
have it to be; but it should be rest from labor, hallowed by religion. Rest
(combined with religious observances) disposes man to forget for a while the
business of his everyday life, to turn his thoughts to things heavenly, and to
the worship which he so strictly owes to the eternal Godhead. It is this, above
all, which is the reason and motive of Sunday rest; a rest sanctioned by God's
great law of the Ancient Covenant -- "Remember thou keep holy the Sabbath
day,'' and taught to the world by His own mysterious "rest" after the
creation of man: "He rested on the seventh day from all His work which He
had done.”
45. Let the working man and the employer make free
agreements, and in particular let them agree freely as to the wages;
nevertheless, there underlies a dictate of natural justice more imperious and
ancient than any bargain between man and man, namely, that wages ought not to
be insufficient to support a frugal and well behaved wage-earner. If through
necessity or fear of a worse evil the workman accept harder conditions because
an employer or contractor will afford him no better, he is made the victim of
force and injustice. In these and similar questions, however -- such as, for
example, the hours of labor in different trades, the sanitary precautions to be
observed in factories and workshops, etc. -- in order to supersede undue
interference on the part of the State, especially as circumstances, times, and
localities differ so widely, it is advisable that recourse be had to societies
or boards such as We shall mention presently, or to some other mode of
safeguarding the interests of the wage-earners; the State being appealed to,
should circumstances require, for its sanction and protection.
46. If a workman's wages be sufficient to enable
him comfortably to support himself, his wife, and his children, he will find it
easy, if he be a sensible man, to practice thrift, and he will not fail, by
cutting down expenses, to put by some little savings and thus secure a modest
source of income. Nature itself would urge him to this. We have seen that this
great labor question cannot be solved save by assuming as a principle that
private ownership must be held sacred and inviolable. The law, therefore,
should favor ownership, and its policy should be to induce as many as possible
of the people to become owners.
----
Live, and vote, well!
